“It seems passé today to speak of ‘the Internet revolution’. In some academic circles, it is positively naive. But it should not be.”
In Wealth of Networks Yochai Benkler, Harvard Law professor and Co-Director of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society, presents a comprehensive view of how information technology can create an informed public, an equitable world, and greater individual freedom.
Benkler looks at the impact of information technology in a broad swath of areas – business, law, individual freedom and political freedom. He provides a framework for understanding government policy implications for the future of information technology in issues like copyright.
This review will focus on Benkler’s argument that the new information technology can produce knowledge and culture through peer production and coordinated individual action driven by social values rather than market relationships based on money.
He writes that for 150 years modern democracies relied on an industrial information economy characterized by a consolidated production dominated by large vertically organized corporations. Like Chris Anderson, Wired Magazine Editor and author of The Long Tail, Benkler describes industrial information economy as characterized by one-way information flow, a hub and spoke structure with information emanating from print and broadcast sources to the public.
Modern information technology, computers and the internet, breaks the hub and spoke model. Information flows not only from media outlets out to an audience. Now it flows back from audience members and between audience members.
The industrial information economy was also characterized by the enormous capital required to produce and distribute newspapers and broadcast radio and TV signals. Newspapers require a major investment in staff and production facilities. The number of broadcast stations is limited by the Federal Communications Commissions.
But there are also huge financial rewards because of scarcity. Owning a radio or TV outlet was a license to print money. Newspapers and broadcasters draw a paying crowd. Advertisers pay handsomely to communicate with that crowd.
Technology lowers the barriers to entry by making everyone with a computer (or now, a smart phone) a publisher and broadcaster at a relatively modest price. In an information technology there are broadcasters and publishers aplenty so the scarcity model no longer applies. But most individual producers have a small audience. Where is their motivation to produce?
Benkler looks beyond the conventional economic assumption that we are rational economic beings who are always motivated by financial rewards and dissuaded by financial penalties. He argues for the role of non-financial rewards like peer recognition. He points out intrinsic motivations like pleasure, personal satisfaction, and a desire to make the world a better place.
He cites peer production by Viking ship hobbyists, developers of the GNU/ Linux operating system, Wikipedia. We could add reviewers for Amazon.com and participants on Slash Dot web site who peer review entries.
Benkler heralds the rise of information technology as helping to create a critical and discursively engaged public. By this he means a public vigorously debating issues and confronting opposing views.
I do not dispute Benkler’s core point but I have three critical comments. First, these benefits of peer non-market production are not exclusive to information technology. Volunteers in social clubs, community radio, and churches provide an off-line model. But Benkler is correct in pointing the vast increase in scope from this model on the internet.
Second, while information technologies do make it easier for people to work together on politics and social issues, the depth of their involvement can be superficial. In some cases information technology is an internet version of the phone tree rather than a cyber town hall.
Last October at a Knight Fellowship Program for journalists on covering digital culture which I attended, Adam Green, civic communications director for MoveOn.org Civic Action, the on-line political organizing group, gave examples of their growing power to influence politics by quickly enlisting large number of like-minded people to sign a petition or write to a politician or journalist. These instant massive organizing efforts have effectively changed the political landscape.
Green said people are very busy these days. They don’t have time to closely look at the issues. So when they come from a busy day at work they can act according to MoveOn.org’s recommendations. This is convenient, easy and effective. It is not an example of a discursively engaged public.
The third critique of the group production model comes from Nicholas Carr, former executive editor of the Harvard Business Review, author of Does IT Matter? and The Big Switch: Rewiring the World, from Edison to Google. Carr believes new information technologies put the means of production into the hands of the masses but very few harvest the economic value of that production.
He cites the examples of Facebook and MySpace. They have given away the tools of production while maintaining ownership, and the advertising profit, from the resulting products. Carr calls it a sharecropping system where the sharecroppers are generally happy because their interest lies in self-expression or socializing, not in making money. The plantation owners are motivated by money. This is more like the industrial information model where TV viewers attention is a value is harvested by the broadcasters in ad sales than a more equitable social model.
These points are relatively minor quibbles about an expansive and persuasive manifesto. The current powerful examples like Wikipedia suffice to prove the potential. But the era of industrial information is far from dead. “Internet revolution” implies a radical break with the past. What we are seeing is an internet evolution.
3 responses so far ↓
peterlux // August 5, 2008 at 10:42 pm |
Ross,
An incisive and concise review of Benkler’s Wealth of Networks—the brevity and clarity and cohesiveness of each paragraph makes Benkler’s logorrheic prose seem even more indigestible.
You make an excellent point that peer non-market production has been around for a long time, and persists in the existence of community organizations. Such civic engagement is still thriving, especially in (some) small towns.
I lived in Brattleboro, Vermont from 2001-2003, and was impressed with the civic commitment of many of its denizens. The annual town meeting is alive and well, but even throughout the year citizens show up in relatively large numbers for official public meetings of all kind.
As you point out, the internet connects offline efforts to a larger scale. It allows for civic engagement to tap into and be strengthened by a wider variety of information sources, and it offers a platform for local citizen journalism (iBrattleboro.com has been thriving since 2003). Being part of a global network also transmits in the other direction: When Brattleboro voted in March to arrest President Bush if he ever sets foot in town, the news received international press. (Admittedly, such a juicy tidbit of news may have spread wide and large before the advent of online information networks).
I agree that the depth of civic involvement can be superficial if it remains limited to signing online petitions or even online donations. If it leads to deeper offline engagement it can be a good thing, but you may be right to be skeptical. On that note, you probably heard On the Media’s recent segment on MoveOn.org and how the online political powerhouse has failed to really deliver results.
Of course, the ability for anyone to be a citizen journalist has already had a major impact on the current electoral cycle. Barack’s bitter Pennsylvania comment almost cost him the primary election.
On the other hand, the model of distributed information, which according to Benkler has the potential to go head-to-head with the established media behemoths, hasn’t radically changed the power dynamics in this country.
Third parties, for instance, are not making any headway in breaking the
two-party mold. You’d expect that the networked information environment, which fosters a diversity of voices and stimulates niche interests, would help break the lock of both Democrats and the Republicans on the electoral vote. Yet, the same old obstacles remain in place, starting with the winner-takes-all system. Not to mention the fact that third parties don’t get to participate in televised presidential debates, which remain by far the most important public forum—bloggers be damned.
It’s tempting to conclude that controlling the means of production holds the key to power, but clearly, there are many other locks to pick. So far, the new paradigm is making a difference, but it’s tinkering at the margins. It struck me during our brainstorming session in class that we had the same problem—any ideas we came up with for peer production really solidly lived in the long tail, as Pam remarked, and wouldn’t dramatically change core economic realities. Maybe open source software will prove to be one of the few exceptions to the rule.
Finally, you also bring up the fact that few harvest the economic value of their production. I like Carr’s characterization of this new system as a form of sharecropping. It’s true that sites that build their business models on facilitating user generated content harvest the ad sales value.
As long as the users feels the value they’re receiving makes that a fair bargain, they will be happy to continue to use these platforms, but there may come a time that the taste of social rewards will turn sour when they realize plantation owners are getting rich on the back of their efforts.
captainchunk // August 6, 2008 at 8:27 pm |
Ross,
To start, I enjoyed the structure of your review. I need to learn to break my writing into smaller chunks like you do so well. Good read… I like your style.
In general I agree with criticisms of Benkler’s ideas. Amazon.com’s review system is mostly peer production, but as we are well aware of, some of the reviews are not peer production, but strictly production.
I liked how you pointed to Nicholas Carr’s point about people not taking advantage of these peer production tools. While you can’t deny that peer production is something that is happening and will grow in the future, but I think it will have trouble when it comes to monetization. There have been some good stories about the success of peer production… SETI@home, Wikipedia, but I worry about the long term viability of peer production. Like 20, 30 years from now.
I agree with your assessment that the internet is more like a telephone tree. Valuable, but socially limited. It is so very incredibly easy to wrap yourself in a cocoon of like minded thought, that it can turn out to be less informative that other methods of communication. I personally have never visited moveon.org, and don’t plan to, but if I wanted to really get into the political arena, a website like moveon.org makes it almost superficial for me to a point.
peterlux // August 6, 2008 at 11:31 pm |
*Reposting comment from Monday, 8.5 (as it hasn’t appeared yet)*
Ross,
An incisive and concise review of Benkler’s Wealth of Networks—the brevity and clarity and cohesiveness of each paragraph makes Benkler’s logorrheic prose seem even more indigestible.
You make an excellent point that peer non-market production has been around for a long time, and persists in the existence of community organizations. Such civic engagement is still thriving, especially in (some) small towns.
I lived in Brattleboro, Vermont from 2001-2003, and was impressed with the civic commitment of many of its denizens. The annual town meeting is alive and well, but even throughout the year citizens show up in relatively large numbers for official public meetings of all kind.
As you point out, the internet connects offline efforts to a larger scale. It allows for civic engagement to tap into and be strengthened by a wider variety of information sources, and it offers a platform for local citizen journalism (iBrattleboro.com has been thriving since 2003). Being part of a global network also transmits in the other direction: When Brattleboro voted in March to arrest President Bush if he ever sets foot in town, the news received international press. (Admittedly, such a juicy tidbit of news may have spread wide and large before the advent of online information networks).
I agree that the depth of civic involvement can be superficial if it remains limited to signing online petitions or even online donations. If it leads to deeper offline engagement it can be a good thing, but you may be right to be skeptical. On that note, you probably heard On the Media’s recent segment on MoveOn.org and how the online political powerhouse has failed to really deliver results. Of course, the ability for anyone to be a citizen journalist has already had a major impact on the current electoral cycle. Barack’s bitter Pennsylvania comment almost cost him the primary election.
On the other hand, the model of distributed information, which according to Benkler has the potential to go head-to-head with the established media behemoths, hasn’t radically changed the power dynamics in this country.
Third parties, for instance, are not making any headway in breaking the two-party mold. You’d expect that the networked information environment, which fosters a diversity of voices and stimulates niche interests, would help break the lock of both Democrats and the Republicans on the electoral vote. Yet, the same old obstacles remain in place, starting with the winner-takes-all system. Not to mention the fact that third parties don’t get to participate in televised presidential debates, which remain by far the most important public forum—bloggers be damned.
It’s tempting to conclude that controlling the means of production holds the key to power, but clearly, there are many other locks to pick. So far, the new paradigm is making a difference, but it’s tinkering at the margins. It strikes me during our brainstorming session in class that we had the same problem—any ideas we came up with for peer production really solidly lived in the long tail, as Pam remarked, and wouldn’t dramatically change core economic realities. Maybe open source software will prove to be one of the few exceptions to the rule.
Finally, you also bring up the fact that few harvest the economic value of their production. I like Carr’s characterization of this new system as a form of sharecropping. It’s true that sites that build their business models on facilitating user generated content harvest the ad sales value.
As long as the users feels the value they’re receiving makes that a fair bargain, they will be happy to continue to use these platforms, but there may come a time that the taste of social rewards will turn sour when they realize plantation owners are getting rich on the back of their efforts.